Panamá’s Independence & The United States Canal Interests

The late decades of the 19^th century would prove a precarious period for the historical trajectory of Panamá. The Grenadine Confederation would only last a short period (1858-1863) and following its dissolution would be the United States of Colombia, until 1886. After the disestablishment of the States of Colombia, the Republic of Colombia would arise, this republic last to the present day. Likewise, the neocolonial interests of the United States would deem important to the provincial region and its international value. 

The liberal Panamanian delegation would still maintain autonomous powers but would continue to succumb to the military pressure by the conservative Colombian central government. Panamanian subservience to Colombia would continue until the 1880s when the United States began to size up the regional powers, such example is the U.S. occupation of the Panamanian city of Colón in 1885. This occupation meant almost certain annexation of the province, but many local and international forces worked to postpone such events.  

As negotiations on the circumstances of Panama between Colombia and the United States began to dwindle, the United States began to provided resources to Panamanian insurgent groups to assist in the separatist movement. Such intervention by the United States was set in the guise of upholding their rights established by the Mallerino-Bidlack Treaty (1846) to access to the isthmus’ railway system. 

With U.S. assistance, Panamanian liberal insurgents waged war against the Colombian federal government, the bulk of the conflicts taking place during the Thousand Days War (1899-1902). Major Panamanian historical figures, such as Victoriano Lorenzo, rose to prominence from this war. Interestingly, Lorenzo was an indigenous chief in Panamanian culture and his fighting against the central government stemmed from the issues brought forth by the indigenous peoples of Panama. Such issues as land rights, abuse of land and natural resources, and the institutional systems of prejudices established by the central government resulted in many indigenous Panamanian to ally beside the liberal cause. 

A large portion of the insurgent forces came from the position of Indigenous Panamanian rights, unfortunately, the outcome did not favor the indigenous populations. Two significant treatises, Hay-Herrán Treaty (1902) and the Hay-Banau-Varilla Treaty (1903) would result in major U.S. interaction on the Isthmus and in the new Panamanian government in the name of economic superiority. The Hay-Herrán Treaty would have transferred all the rights and operations of the New Panama Canal Company and a renewable 100-year lease to the United States, yet the Treaty was never formally agreed upon. Following the end of the war, the Hay-Banau-Varilla Treaty was ratified by both the U.S. and the Republic of Panamá. This treaty guaranteed Panamanian independence but relented complete control of many of Panamá’s natural resources so the United States could construct the canal. Such sacrifices were highly counterintuitive to the goals of indigenous revolutionaries such as Lorenzo, but full Panamanian autonomy would continue to today. 

Works cited:

Hay, John, Canal Treaties: Executive Documents Presented to the United States Senate, Washington: United States Department of States, 1914. pgs. 57-72, 73-84 https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/100346769  

Müller-Schwarze, Nina K, The Blood of Victoriano Lorenzo: An Ethnography of the Cholos of Northern Coclé Province, Panama. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2015. Pgs. 121-176 https://books.google.com/books?id=2J3UBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120&dq=victoriano+lorenzo+letters&source=bl&ots=5ZIl81HBaf&sig=ACfU3U1gDW4eg6lNjTlPetxshPPZ5QS28A&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjO-vCd4q7oAhWVGs0KHZqmCEMQ6AEwAHoECAoQAQ#v=onepage&q&f=false

By Peyton O’Laughlin